File Name: world system theory and dependency theory .zip
The world-systems theory is a fundamental unit of analysis for social evolution.
The world-system perspective emerged during the world revolution of when social scientists contemplated the meaning of Latin American dependency theory for Africa. Immanuel Wallerstein, Terence Hopkins, Samir Amin, Andre Gunder Frank, and Giovanni Arrighi developed slightly different versions of the world-system perspective in interaction with each other. The big idea was that the global system had a stratified structure on inequality based on institutionalized exploitation. This implied that the whole system was the proper unit of analysis, not national societies, and that development and underdevelopment had been structured by global power relations for centuries. The modern world-system is a self-contained entity based on a geographically differentiated division of labor and bound together by a world market.
While the three main sociological paradigms all help explain global stratification, there are two major theories that developed out of the structural-functional and conflict theories that are best positioned to explain global inequality: modernization theory and dependency theory. Modernization theory posits that countries go through evolutionary stages and that industrialization and improved technology are the keys to forward progress. Dependency theory, on the other hand, sees modernization theory as Eurocentric and patronizing. According to dependency theory, global inequality is the result of core nations creating a cycle of dependence by exploiting resources and labor in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries. Modernization theory comes out of the structural-functional viewpoint, as it frames inequality as a function of industrial and cultural differences between nations. According to modernization theory, low-income countries are affected by their lack of industrialization and can improve their global economic standing through Armer and Katsillis :.
One difference is that this approach originated in the Third World primarily Latin America , rather than among Western academics. Third World dependency thinkers were concerned with explaining the unequal and unjust situations in which they and their nations found themselves. Third World countries were poor while "developed" countries were rich. Third World countries had bad health conditions, while other countries had good health conditions. Third World countries had little military power, while other countries had tremendous military resources. Third World countries faced starvation, while citizens of other countries had to worry about losing weight. Third World economies were monoproductive and agriculturally based, while economies in developed countries were diversified and industrialized.
Modernization theory claimed that once developing societies came into contact with western European and North American societies, they would be impelled toward modernization and, eventually, would achieve the economic, political, and social features characteristic of the nations of western Europe and the United States. However, by the s it was apparent that the Third World was not passing through a stage of underdevelopment, as envisioned by modernization theory, but remaining underdeveloped. Thus, a counterclaim was advanced—that developing countries today are structurally different from the advanced countries and so will have to develop along different lines. These structures created a dynamic that was continuing to impoverish former colonies and to thwart their modernization. According to ECLA, the international division of labour created by colonization had separated the international economy into a centre, consisting of the industrialized countries, and a periphery , which included all the rest of the countries around the world outside of the socialist camp.
Prebisch found that increases in the wealth of the richer nations appeared to be at the expense of the poorer ones. In its extreme form, dependency theory is based on a Marxist view of the world, which sees globalisation in terms of the spread of market capitalism, and the exploitation of cheap labour and resources in return for the obsolete technologies of the developed world. Over time, the core countries will exploit their dominance over an increasingly marginalised periphery. Dependency theory advocated an inward looking approach to development and an increased role for the state in terms of imposing barriers to trade, making inward investment difficult and promoting nationalisation of key industries. Although still a popular theory in history and sociology, dependency theory has disappeared from the mainstream of economic theory since the collapse of Communism in the early s.
M arxist ideology was greatly discredited by the collapse of the Soviet Union, its utility as a basis for economic and political systems seemingly disproved as Western liberal democracy and capitalism emerged triumphant from the Cold War and the United States assumed the mantle of sole superpower. The theoretical focus of comparative politics has reflected these empirical phenomena as new or more salient theories have largely eclipsed Marxian thought in the last two decades. Constructivism seeks to understand interests, values, and norms, and their role in international interaction; institutionalism examines the development, persistence, and influence of institutions at the multiple levels of analysis that have flourished in the wake of the Cold War despite all realist predictions to the contrary ; and numerous interdisciplinary approaches are attempting to bridge the gap between comparative politics and environmental determinism, neurobiology, and neurochemistry, and even quantum physics. It would appear as though Marxian class analysis is obsolete both empirically and theoretically. Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF. Skip to main content.
a particular state&dquo; (Wallerstein, 16). What is important to notice is the direction of generalization in world systems theory, for that is the key to.
И пойдет на все, лишь бы эта информация не вышла из стен Третьего узла. А что, подумала Сьюзан, если броситься мимо него и побежать к двери. Но осуществить это намерение ей не пришлось. Внезапно кто-то начал колотить кулаком по стеклянной стене. Оба они - Хейл и Сьюзан - даже подпрыгнули от неожиданности.
Забудьте об. Поехали. Свет от фары пробежал по цементным стенам. - В главный банк данных попал вирус, - сказал Бринкерхофф. - Я знаю, - услышала Сьюзан собственный едва слышный голос. - Нам нужна ваша помощь. Она с трудом сдерживала слезы.
Я люблю. В этот момент в тридцати метрах от них, как бы отвергая мерзкие признания Стратмора, ТРАНСТЕКСТ издал дикий, душераздирающий вопль. Звук был совершенно новым - глубинным, зловещим, нарастающим, похожим на змею, выползающую из бездонной шахты. Похоже, фреон не достиг нижней части корпуса. Коммандер отпустил Сьюзан и повернулся к своему детищу стоимостью два миллиарда долларов. Глаза его расширились от ужаса. - Нет! - Он схватился за голову.
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