File Name: kenneth and mamie clark .zip
Kenneth Clark. Kenneth Clark, whose innovative research in child psychology—conducted alongside his wife, Mamie Phipps Clark —played a pivotal role in winning the legal battle against segregation in schools.
Yet a humble set of baby dolls — two black, two white — played a pivotal role in what many have termed the most important legal ruling of the 20th century. This year, in commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the US Supreme Court decision to legally end segregation in public schools, one of those dolls is on display here at Brown v. Board of Education National Historic Site. This is the doll's story. School segregation was mandated by law in 17 states, practiced in the nation's capital and countless other school districts, and seemingly blessed by the year-old separate but equal doctrine decreed by the US Supreme Court in Plessy v.
A short summary of this paper. Social scientists have used racial preference tests to advocate policies on multiculturalism, self-segregation, affirmative action, juvenile delinquency, teen pregnancy, resegregation, and the racial achievement gap.
Although these more recent findings would seem to invalidate the race and self-esteem link established by Brown; social science on racial identity and educational achievement remains invested in it. In the s, because the issue of segregation was controversial for its membership, the APA was slow to praise, or even acknowledge, the impact of Kenneth and Mamie Clark on Brown.
Their testimony before the Supreme Court contributed to desegregation in the United States. In the late s, as the neoliberal backlash against race-conscious equalization policies such as affirmative action gained force, researchers again conducted doll tests, this time finding white prefer- ence among African American children and cause to argue for a multicultural school curriculum.
The doll test discourse not only reflects shifting racial politics but also configures notions of racial identity. Thus the logic of the doll test discourse is consistent across time even if the results are not: white preference behavior indicates that African American children idealize whiteness, denigrate blackness, and therefore disavow their racial identity. Black preference behavior indicates a healthy self; whereas white preference behavior is pathological.
To these researchers, the children who exhibit white preference behavior experience a horrible self-division that can only be rem- edied by, in historical order, integration, black militancy, and multicultural education.
But the now widely replicated finding that African American children have positive self-esteem—even if they identify themselves as black while choosing white dolls—indicates a more flexible racial subjectivity whereby children embrace aspects of blackness and whiteness without incurring damage. If the racial preference and self-esteem discourse supports policies meant to remedy racial inequality, why worry that the claims are based on bad science or misconceptions of African American identity?
Perhaps the most important reason is that public policies promoted with the doll test and self- esteem discourse, from desegregation to multiculturalism, have not remedied the deep disparities of racial inequality in U. Conservatives can and have used it to oppose racial equalization policies such as desegregation and affirmative action. We need to link progressive public policy to reconceptualized notions of racial identity that account for performativity, agency, and negotiation. This logic cannot accommodate racial admixture of identity or identification.
Toward this reinterpretation, I draw on recent articulations of mixed-race identity to posit a model of hybridity in racial identification. Treating black- ness and mixedness simultaneously is but one way to go about this, one way to place in relief the conundrums and paradoxes of race. I thus extend theories of mixed-race identity based on parentage to psychic processes of identification.
Nonetheless, I join others who have recently called for new forms of political cohesion that are not based on racial essentialisms or notions of cultural authenticity. Moreover, new forms of mixed-race identities are already gaining political stature through such racial projects as the U. This is not to say that mixed-race identity offers a panacea for racism or an escape from the racializing project.
At best, then, the condition of mixed-race formation constitutes an ambivalent challenge to the racial condition from within the fabric of the racializing project. Given the constraints of U.
Specifically, the Plessy Court considered whether segregation violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Of course, this finding of neutrality overlooks the fact that whites established segregation to exclude African Americans from their company and not the reverse—as Justice Harlan pointed out in his lone dissent.
To resolve this contradiction, the Court makes a specious distinction between social and political equality, claiming that the Fourteenth Amendment protects only the latter and thereby justifying the separate-but-equal principle. The group won sev- eral equalization orders in lower courts on grounds that facilities, curricula, and financial expenditures for black schools were inferior to those for white schools in the same district.
Although the courts ordered school districts to remedy the disparities, they left intact the principle of separate but equal.
This equalization approach had another major drawback: because such challenges had to be made case by case, the NAACP faced a decades-long campaign of bringing suit against each discriminating school district in each segregating state.
To end school segregation per se, the NAACP needed to demonstrate that racial separation was inherently discriminatory, regardless of whether separate facilities were equal. Although it crafted its decisions in Sweatt v.
Painter and McLaurin v. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to [retard] the educational and mental development of negro children. Recruited by the NAACP, Clark testified in three of the four lower court cases consolidated as Brown and coauthored a summary state- ment on social science evidence on the detrimental effects of segregation that the NAACP submitted to the Court as an appendix to its brief.
Here the Clarks presented African American children from several northern integrated and southern segregated schools, ages three to seven, with four sex-neutral dolls. In fact, children in northern, integrated schools displayed slightly greater rates of white preference than children from the southern, segregated schools. With this strategy, Warren consolidated a unanimous decision that, he hoped, would encourage Southern compliance with desegregation. Moreover, Clark and other social psychologists cited the legal victory as a mandate for shaping future law and public policy.
The Clarks, who each received a PhD from Columbia University—a hotbed of pioneering work in cultural- ism—came of professional age in this era, which also marked the legitimization of psychology as a science to be used for directing public policy. After World War II, the focus on group dynamics blended with developing trends in the psychology of individual personality.
In one of their published papers, the Clarks explain that they chose to ask the racial preference questions e. Their candid revelation of this methodology suggests that research bias shaped results and that the study lacked controls for researcher expectations. Such glaring methodological flaws went largely unnoticed until the post—civil rights era. Psychologists and social scientists now criticized the Clarks and other earlier race analysts for pathologizing the black psyche.
Critics argued that it ignored the cultural richness and support systems within African American communities and the history of strategies African Americans had used to survive centuries of slavery, segrega- tion, and discrimination. Further, the self-hatred thesis had ultimately become detached from a history of oppression and instead came to represent the es- sential character of the black psyche.
Stack mapped a network of supportive kinship and community systems that differed from the normative model but, she argued, were adaptive to available resources.
Moreover, their data did not yield statistically significant indications of racial preference. Research- ers asked children to choose among dolls, puppets, and drawings meant to represent racial difference. However, in the new climate of black consciousness, similar research methods produced conflicting results. Nevertheless, as the number of racial preference studies proliferated, white preference behavior seemed to be on the wane.
Finally, even if African American children now demonstrated black racial preference, these studies did not establish the cause of that behavior. Nevertheless, researchers again conflated racial group identity with personal self-esteem in order to validate the prevailing political paradigm of black pride.
Comparing the self-concept of black children and white children from different socioeconomic levels, a study by Shirley Samuels found that black and white lower-class children had similar levels of self-esteem, and black and white middle-class children had similar levels of self-esteem, but black middle-class children had higher self-esteem than black lower-class children.
In other words, disparities of self-esteem were not interracial but intraracial, and these correlated with class. The variation of test methods and the lack of controls, however, make it impossible to determine the extent and cause of such change.
Black Children, White Preference Whereas many researchers accepted findings of increased self-esteem among black children and attributed the cause to the black consciousness movement, others acknowledged the inconsistencies of methods and results. By , a number of review essays noted the correspondence between racial ideologies and self-esteem findings in both the black self-hatred and black power eras. This observation was itself fraught with the racial politics of the day, how- ever, as evidenced by a debate in the journal Social Psychology between two researchers who agree that ideology is influencing interpretations, but disagree vehemently on the implications for understanding racial identity.
This claim was so controversial that the editor of Social Psychology agreed to publish it only on the condition that rebuttals would be published in the same issue. This is not to say that such liberal policy documents were totally free of racial bias, but that they were condemned wholesale, in part because the media and conservative politicians used them to popularize the image of a violent, dysfunctional black underclass, especially in the wake of the Watts and Detroit riots.
Ironically, the black power emphasis on cultivating pride, self-worth, and racial conscious- ness implicitly assumes and works to correct low personal and group esteem. In the s, black pride having increased, emphasis on low self-esteem among blacks has been less popular. The different research focuses are not comparable, however, because they do not explain the relationship between racial preference and personal self-concept.
Moreover, neither of these research paradigms demonstrates the relationship between the personality characteristic being measured—whether racial preference or self-concept—and sociopolitical conditions.
Porter and Washington thus call for a more complex formulation of the interaction between various and multifaceted personality characteristics and our social structure. Following Porter and Washington, in the early s, researchers began more consistently to conceive of self-esteem as multifaceted and to unhinge racial preference from personal self-concept. In other words, they hypothesized that racial group preference operated independently from personal self-esteem.
Most showed no significant differences in self-esteem between African American and white children. In many cases, African American children demonstrated higher self-esteem than whites, even if they exhibited white preference behavior. In light of these findings, researchers called for rethinking both the concept of self-esteem and the relationship between African American identity and personal self-esteem. In , the Journal of Black Psychology devoted an entire issue to two contemporary doll studies that received con- siderable media attention in magazines such as Time and Jet and in television and radio interviews with the authors.
We must begin as early as preschool age to expose children regularly to Black Americans in positions of authority and power. In addition, children can be provided positive role models through class trips to environments, activities, and engagements that are controlled, produced, man- aged, or contributed to by Black people.
Every child should be able to identify and talk about Blacks of earlier times and of the present. Though a multicultural curriculum is certainly desirable, and there might be a relationship between curriculum and self-esteem or achievement, the test data do not show that relationship.
Even if the study did indicate low self-esteem in African American children, it does not prove the efficacy of this remarkably specific curriculum in increasing either self-esteem or learning ability. In addition, the test design assumed a simple and direct relationship among white preference behavior, personal self-esteem, and racial identity that had and has not been proven.
But though the doll test studies of made a media splash, their call for multicultural education was drowned out by a tidal wave of conserva- tive opposition to race-conscious equalization policies—also on grounds of damage to self-esteem. Thus we have seen a shift in political climate from the postwar belief that the state bore responsibility for the legacy of systemic racial discrimination, including its psychological effects, to an ideology of personal responsibility and deregulation.
But none has identified a mechanism that controls that relationship. Nonetheless, these recent studies conceptualize racial identity as more complex and multifaceted than did earlier research models. A study by Stephanie J. Rowley et al. A study of multiracial identity by Marie L. Miville et al.
After asserting that multiracial identity is not necessarily coherent or unified and that its form varies from individual to individual, Miville et al. But the children may, in fact, choose the white doll precisely because they identify with negative attributes associated with whites such as consumerism, acquisitiveness, domination, and so on.
Access options available:. Kenneth B. Photographed by Gordon Parks. The only doll I had back then was one that my big sister cast off. I played school with that doll every day and gave her a name to rhyme with mine—Glorie. Schools were woefully lacking for black children in the South. Separate yes, equal no.
Kenneth B. Clark was asocial psychologist and educator, whose research, writing, and activism had asignificant impact on racial issues within the USA. Clark was born on July 14, , in the Panama Canal Zone. However, Miriam desired abetter life for her children and, in , left her husband and moved to New York City with Kenneth and his younger sister, Beulah, ultimately settling in Harlem Guthrie While many young African-Americans of the period were strongly encouraged to attend vocational schools, Miriam insisted that her son, Kenneth, pursue an academic track. While there, he met Mamie Phipps, ayoung mathematics
Kenneth Bancroft Clark July 14, — May 1, and Mamie Phipps Clark April 18, — August 11,  were American psychologists who as a married team conducted research among children and were active in the Civil Rights Movement. They were known for their s experiments using dolls to study children's attitudes about race. The Clarks testified as expert witnesses in Briggs v. Elliott , one of five cases combined into Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court in which it determined that de jure racial segregation in public education was unconstitutional.
Read Dr. Read an interview with Dr. Their subjects, children between the ages of three to seven, were asked to identify both the race of the dolls and which color doll they prefer. A majority of the children preferred the white doll and assigned positive characteristics to it.
Kenneth Bancroft Clark — , an eminent American social psychologist, educator, and human rights activist, is well known for his expert testimony in the consolidated school desegregation cases known as Brown v. Board of Education. The social science testimony of Kenneth Clark was a significant factor in the Court's decision, and secured his place in the historical record among social psychologists whose research has influenced significant social change in the twentieth century. Kenneth Clark was born in the Panama Canal Zone on July 24, , and lived there until he was five years of age.
Most research studies in the field of early childhood education are based on the works of prominent men like Jean Piaget and John Dewey. While their contributions to the field are undeniably important, there are other stories—especially those of women scholars—that have not been prominently told Clifford
As they deliberated on Brown v. Board of Education , helped the Supreme Court justices and the nation understand some of the lingering effects of segregation on the very children it affected most. Their experiment , which involved white- and brown-skinned dolls, was deceptively simple.
Свет от монитора Стратмора отбрасывал на них жутковатую тень. Сьюзан старалась держаться поближе к шефу на небольшой платформе с металлическими поручнями. По мере того как они удалялись от двери, свет становился все более тусклым, и вскоре они оказались в полной темноте. Единственным освещением в шифровалке был разве что свет звезд над их головами, едва уловимое свечение проникало также сквозь разбитую стеклянную стену Третьего узла. Стратмор шагнул вперед, нащупывая ногой место, где начинались ступеньки узенькой лестницы.
Смит сообщил: - Мы вели наблюдение из мини-автобуса с расстояния метров в пятьдесят. Вначале все шло гладко. Халохот, по всей видимости, настоящий профессионал. Но потом появилась группа людей, и Халохот не смог завладеть искомым предметом. Фонтейн кивнул.
Он все еще катился по инерции и вскоре исчез в темноте. Сьюзан нашла свои валявшиеся на ковре итальянские туфли, на мгновение оглянулась, увидела все еще корчившегося на полу Грега Хейла и бросилась бежать по усеянному стеклянным крошевом полу шифровалки. ГЛАВА 68 - Ну видишь, это совсем не трудно, - презрительно сказала Мидж, когда Бринкерхофф с видом побитой собаки протянул ей ключ от кабинета Фонтейна. - Я все сотру перед уходом, - пообещала. - Если только вы с женой не захотите сохранить этот фильм для своей частной коллекции.
Если ТРАНСТЕКСТ до сих пор не дал ответа, значит, пароль насчитывает не менее десяти миллиардов знаков. Полнейшее безумие. - Это невозможно! - воскликнула она. - Вы проверили сигналы ошибки.
Слушай, сопливый мозгляк. Убирайся отсюда немедленно, или я вырву эту булавку из твоих ноздрей и застегну ею твой поганый рот. Парень побелел. Беккер попридержал его еще минутку, потом отпустил.
Сьюзан почувствовала, как напряглось все его тело. Они вступили в опасную зону: Хейл может быть где угодно. Вдали, за корпусом ТРАНСТЕКСТА, находилась их цель - Третий узел. Сьюзан молила Бога, чтобы Хейл по-прежнему был там, на полу, катаясь от боли, как побитая собака.
Именно по этой причине увольнение из АН Б и последующая депортация стали для него таким шоком. Танкадо, как и остальные сотрудники шифровалки, работал над проектом ТРАНСТЕКСТА, будучи уверенным, что в случае успеха эта машина будет использоваться для расшифровки электронной почты только с санкции министерства юстиции. Использование ТРАНСТЕКСТА Агентством национальной безопасности должно было регулироваться примерно так же, как в случае ФБР, которому для установки подслушивающих устройств необходимо судебное постановление.
Наверное, за ним тянется красный след на белых камнях. Он искал глазами открытую дверь или ворота - любой выход из этого бесконечного каньона, - но ничего не. Улочка начала сужаться. - Soccoro! - Его голос звучал еле слышно. - Помогите.
Стратмор провел рукой по вспотевшему лбу. - Этот шифр есть продукт нового типа шифровального алгоритма, с таким нам еще не приходилось сталкиваться. Эти слова повергли Сьюзан в еще большее смятение. Шифровальный алгоритм - это просто набор математических формул для преобразования текста в шифр.
В Третий узел заглянул Стратмор. - Какие-нибудь новости, Сьюзан? - спросил Стратмор и тут же замолчал, увидав Грега Хейла. - Добрый вечер, мистер Хейл. - Он нахмурился, глаза его сузились. - Сегодня суббота.
Во-вторых, Стратмор гораздо лучше меня знает, что происходит в шифровалке в данный момент. Почему бы тебе не позвонить. - Потому что дело именно в. Он что-то скрывает.
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